| Since
the attacks on America on September 11 2001, terrorism has come
to dominate the foreign policy agenda of Western governments
and, to a significant extent, this has been reflected in heightened
media attention to both international events and the issue of
terrorism. But what role or function are media likely to play
as the US pursues its 'War on Terror' and how should media cover
the issue of terrorism? In this essay I wish to address these
two questions. Extensive media analysis of media reporting
of international affairs highlights the consistency between
media agendas and the agendas of governments. From the work
of critical scholars such as Noam Chomsky through to mainstream
analysts such as Daniel Hallin and Gadi Wolfsfeld, research
consistently demonstrates that, when it comes to matters of
national security, media rarely report outside the bounds
of what Hallin describes as elite legitimated controversy.
There are several reasons for this media
deference that include the close positioning of media outlets
to political and economic elites, the heavy reliance upon
government as an information source and, during the Cold War,
an anti communist consensus that ideologically bonded journalists
and policy makers. So, for example, during the war in Vietnam,
as Hallin revealed in The Uncensored War, critical
reporting only surfaced after Washington became divided between
the 'hawks', who believed victory should be achieved at all
costs, and the 'doves', who believed the price of victory
was not worth paying.
Moreover media rarely, if ever, reported
outside the bounds of this debate to argue that the war was
fundamentally wrong or immoral. During the 1990s, with the
collapse of the bi-polar order and the Cold War, some suggested
that the freedom of media to report critically had been enhanced
and talk emerged of the CNN effect whereby critical reporting
was substantially influencing international politics.
Even then, most studies have found that
the CNN effect was exaggerated and that influence was circumscribed.
With the events of 9-11, and the Bush administration's declaration
of a War on Terrorism, it is difficult avoiding the conclusion
that the threat of communism, which helped create an ideological
bond between journalists and policy makers during the cold
war, has been effectively replaced by the threat of terrorism
that has forced a consensus between journalists and policy
making elites. Consequently, dissent and criticism during
the 'war on terror' is likely to be just as muted as it was
during the Cold War.
So what does this mean? The role of US
media during the war on terrorism is likely to closely follow
the lead of Washington policy makers and any dissenting voices
are likely to remain marginalised. What will the resulting
media coverage look like? The 'war on terror' frame will provide
journalists with a template upon which to understand global
events and a powerful rhetorical tool with which to justify
a more aggressive and interventionist foreign policy agenda.
This has already been seen during the
recent build up to and war against Iraq. The US government
worked hard to associate Saddam Hussein with al Qaeda in the
eyes of the US public, even though any firm evidence is absent,
whilst mainstream US media uncritically reported this claim
leaving some Americans actually unsure of the difference between
Hussein and Bin Laden.
More importantly, any possibility that
media can encourage open debate beyond a simplistic dichotomy
between good versus evil is unlikely to emerge. This would
not perhaps be a problem if there was only one genuine issue
at stake, that of dangerous terrorists threatening Western
civilians.
However terrorists always operate within
a political context and appeal to political grievances in
order to justify their actions. The source of much of the
terrorism directed at the West evolves from grievances surrounding
US policy toward the Middle East, the most important of which
is the US stance toward the Israel/Palestine conflict. US
occupation of Iraq has further alienated the Arab world and
is liable to drive more Muslims toward an extreme position.
There is also widespread concern at the
global role of the US. None of this is to say that groups
such as al Qaeda are not a serious threat. They are extremely
dangerous and need to be dealt with. However, critical reflection
on the causes of terrorism is also necessary if we are to
deal with roots of terrorism, some of which lie in the foreign
policies pursued by Western states and the US.
There also exists a limit to Bush's 'war
on terrorism' in that it implicitly excludes any acknowledgement
of US involvement in terrorism when it is consistent with
its interests. History and current trends suggest the media
will not fulfil its task of encouraging full and open debate
on all these issues.
The world is a far more complex place
than that suggested by the Bush administrations' 'axis of
evil' and 'war on terrorism' and responding to international
problems requires an awareness of how our own actions can
create violent retaliation. The media could provide that,
expanding the bounds of debate and encouraging a full and
open discussion about terrorism, of all kinds, its causes
and the need for critical self-reflection on the foreign policies
of our own governments.
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